亶父 姬

• Preferred Name: 亶父 姬^{[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13]}
  
• Alternate Name: 亶 古
  
• Alternate Name: 亶父 姬
  
• Alternate Name: 亶 姬
  
• Gender: M
  
• Death: 1161 BC in China at LATI: N5 LONG: E5
  
• FSID: 9298-RZP
  
• Birth: 1261 BC in China at LATI: N5 LONG: E5
  
• Burial: in China at LATI: N5 LONG: E5
  
• Notes:

  === Life Sketch ===
  公亶父，姬姓，名亶，又称周太王 。上古周氏族的领袖，西伯君主，周文王祖父，周王朝的奠基人。出土文物武王征商簋中的铭文称其为“檀公”。
  据推算，古公亶父是轩辕黄帝第16世孙、周祖后稷的第12世孙，在周人发展史上是一个上承后稷、公刘之伟业，下启文王、武王之盛世的关键人物，是一位具有远见卓识的政治家、改革家、军事家，历史上的著名贤王。
  古公亶父因戎狄威逼，率领族人由豳迁到岐山下的周原（今陕西岐山北），“复修后稷、公刘之业”，推行“务耕织、行地宜”的农业发展政策，实现了“行者有资，居者有畜积，民赖其庆”的局面，周族逐渐强盛，加之周太公“积德行义”，使得“国人皆戴之”，奠定了周人礼教文化和灭商的基础。周武王姬发建立周朝时，追谥他为“周太王”，他住过的地方叫“太王城”，他的墓叫“太王墓”。
  
  人物生平编辑
  
  公亶父，一名古公或古公亶父，古代周人首领，传为后稷第十二代孙，周文王祖父。公亶父是使周人兴盛的一位重要人物，后武王有天下，追尊古公为周太王，太吴姓族谱中，尊古公为先祖。《诗经·閟宫》说：“后稷之孙，实维大王。居岐之阳，实始翦商。”迁周于岐山之阳的周原和开始翦商的事业，是公亶父两项最大的功绩。
  古公亶父执政时，正是商武乙时代，他继承了周祖遗风，继续致力于豳地的开发。他勤于农业，所种田地收成丰美。每
  
  === 周朝之先祖 ===
  
  === 公元前一三二七年立國號曰周 ===
  公元前一三二七年立國號曰周
  
  === Possible birth dates ===
  About 1223 BC or about 1388 BC

• m. in Wugong, Xianyang, Shaanxi, China

1. 季歷 姬, b. ABT 1174 BC in Bin County, Shaanxi    

1. Title: Wikiwand: Family tree of Chinese monarchs (ancient)
   Author: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
   Publication: Name: https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Family_tree_of_Chinese_monarchs_(ancient)#/Zhou_dynasty;
   Note: This is a family tree of Chinese kings before the establishment of the title emperor (皇帝) by Shi Huangdi, up through the end of the Spring and Autumn period. Family tree of Chinese monarchs (ancient) → Family tree of Chinese monarchs (Warring States period) → Family tree of Chinese monarchs (early) → Family tree of Chinese monarchs (middle) → Family tree of Chinese monarchs (late) Five Emperors The legendary Five Emperors traditionally were regarded as the founders of the Chinese state. The "Records of the Grand Historian" states that Shaohao did not accede to the throne while Emperor Zhi’s ephemeral and uneventful rule disqualify him from the Five Emperors in all sources. Other sources name Yu the Great, the founder of the Xia dynasty, as the last of the Five. Pretenders are "italicized." Ancient Five Emperors (1) Yellow Emperor 黃帝 (2) Shaohao 少昊 Changyi 昌意 Jiaoji 蟜極 (3) Zhuanxu 顓頊 (4) Ku 嚳 Qiongchan 窮蟬 Gu of Shu 古蜀王 □ Cheng 称 Taowu 梼杌 Wangliang 魍魉 (5) Zhi 挚 Xie of Shang 契 (6) Emperor Yao 堯 Houji 后稷 Jingkang 敬康 □ Lao Tong 老童 "Danzhu" 丹朱 Juwang 句望 □ Zhurong 祝融 Wuhui 吳回 Qiaoniu 橋牛 Gun 鯀 Gusou 瞽叟 (8) Yu 禹 Luzhong 陸終 Ehuang 娥皇 (7) Shun 舜 Nuying 女英 Kunwu 昆吾 Shen H 參胡 Peng Zu 彭祖 Hui Ren 會人 Ji Lian 季連 ?Cao 曹 "Shangjun" 商均 Xia dynasty This is a family tree for the Xia dynasty which ruled circa 2000–1750 BC. The historicity of the dynasty sometimes has been questioned, but circumstantial archaeological evidence supports its existence. Xia dynasty (1) Yu the Great 大禹 (2) Qi 啟 (3) Tai Kang 太康 (4) Zhong Kang 仲康 (5) Xiang 相 (6) Shaokang 少康 (7) Zhu 杼 (8) Huai 槐 (9) Mang 芒 (10) Xie 泄 (11) Bu Jiang 不降 (12) Jiong 扃 (14) Kong Jia 孔甲 (13) Jin 廑 (15) Gao 皋 (16) Fa 發 (17) Jie 桀 Shang dynasty This is a family tree for the Shang dynasty, which ruled China proper between circa 1750 BC and 1046 BC. The Shang rulers bore the title Di (帝). Shang kings Xie 契 Zhao Ming 昭明 Xiang Tu 相土 Chang Ruo 昌若 Cao Yu 曹圉 Ming 冥 Wang Hai 王亥 Wang Heng 王恒 Jia Wei 上甲微 Bao Yi 报乙 Bao Bing 报丙 Bao Ding 报丁 Zhu Ren 主壬 Zhu Kui 主癸 (1)Tang 汤 (2)Da Ding 大丁 (4)Wai Bing 外丙 (5)Zhong Ren 仲壬 (3)Tai Jia 太甲 (6)Qiang Ding 羌丁 (7)Da Geng 大庚 (8)Xiao Jia 小甲 (9)Yong Ji 雍己 (10)Da Wu 大戊 (11)Zhong Ding 中丁 (12)Wai Ren 外 (13)He Dan Jia 河亶甲 (14)Zu Yi 祖乙 (15)Zu Xin 祖辛 (16)Qiang Jia 羌甲 (17)Zu Ding 祖丁 (18)Nan Geng 南庚 (19)Yang Jia 陽甲 (20)Pan Geng 盤庚 (21)Xiao Xin 小辛 (22)Xiao Yi 小乙 (23)Wu Ding 武丁 1250–1192 BC Xiao Ji 孝己 (24)Zu Geng 祖庚 1192–1181 BC (25)Zu Jia 祖甲 1181–1159 BC (26)Lin Xin 廩辛 1159–1155 BC (27)Kang Ding 康丁 1155–1147 BC (28)Wu Yi 武乙 1147–1112 BC (29)Wen Ding 文丁 1112–1102 BC Bi Gan 比干 (30)Di Yi 帝乙 1101–1076 BC Kiji [zh] 微子启 Wei Zhong Yan 微仲衍 (31)Di Xin 帝辛 1075–1046 BC Wu Geng 武庚 Zhou dynasty This is a family tree for the Zhou dynasty, descendants of Duke Wu of Zhou who overthrew the last Shang ruler, thereby establishing the dynasty. Ruling from 1046 BC to 256 BC, it is notable as the longest dynasty in Chinese history, although the actual political and military control of China by the dynasty only lasted during the Western Zhou. Zhou dynasty kings Emperor Ku 嚳 Houji 后稷 Buzhu 不窋 Ju 鞠 Duke Liu 公劉 Qingjie 慶節 Huangpu 皇僕 Chaifu 差弗 Huiyu 毀渝 Duke Fei 公非 Gaoyu 高圉 Yayu 亞圉 Gong Shu Zulei 公叔祖類 Duke Uncle Zulei Old Duke Danfu King Tai of Zhou 周太王 Jili 季歷 King Ji of Zhou Taibo 吳泰伯 (founder of Wu) Zhongyong 仲雍 (ancestor of the kings of Wu) Guo Zhong 虢仲 Guo Shu 虢叔 King Wen of Zhou 文王 (1099–1050 BC) State of Wu State of Wu Bo Yikao 伯邑考 King Wu 武王 1050/1046–1043BC Duke of Zhou 周公旦 King Cheng 成王 (1042–1021 BC) Tang Shuyu 唐叔虞 Marquis of Tang 1042–? BC Bo Qin 伯禽 King Kang 康王 (1021–995 BC) Marquis Xie of Jin 晉侯燮 State of Lu King Zhao 昭王 (995–976 BC) State of Jin King Mu 穆王 (976–921 BC) King Gong 共王 (921–909 BC) King Xiao 孝王 (884–875 BC) King Yi 懿王 (909–884 BC) King Yi 夷王 (875–864 BC) King Li 厲王 (864–841 BC) Gonghe 共和 (Regent: 841–828 BC) King Xuan 宣王 (827–782 BC) Duke Huan 鄭桓公 of Zheng 806–771 BC King Xie 携王 c. 770–750 BCE King You 幽王 (781–771 BC) Bao Si 褒姒 State of Zheng King Ping 平王 (771–720 BC) Bofu 伯服 ?–771CE Taizi Xiefu 太子泄父 King Huan 桓王 (720–697 BC) King Zhuang 莊王 (697–682 BC) King Xi 僖王 (682–677 BC) Prince Tui 王子颓 King Hui 惠王 (677–652 BC) King Xiang 襄王 (651–619 BC Prince Dai 王子带 King Qing 頃王 (618–613 BC) King Kuang 匡王 (612–607 BC) King Ding 定王 (606–586 BC) King Jian 簡王 (585–572 BC) King Ling 靈王 (571–545 BC) King Jing 景王 (544–520 BC) Prince Chao 王子朝 King Dao 悼王 (520 BC) King Jing 敬王 (520–476 BC) King Yuan 元王 (475–469 BC) King Zhending 貞定王 (468–441 BC) King Ai 哀王 (441 BC) King Si 思王 (441 BC) King Kao 考王 (440–426 BC) Duke Huan of West Zhou 西周桓公 King Weilie 威烈王 (425–402 BC) Duke Wei of West Zhou 西周威公 King An 安王 (401–376 BC) Duke Hui of West Zhou 西周惠公 Prince Ban 班 Duke Hui of East Zhou 東周惠公 King Lie 烈王 (375–369 BC) King Xian 顯王 (368–321 BC) Duke Wu of West Zhou 西周武公 King Shenjing 慎靚王 (320–315 BC) King Nan 赧王 (314–256 BC) 東野家族大宗世系翁 Family Tree of the descendants of the Duke of Zhou in Chinese Spring and Autumn period Main article: Spring and Autumn period Jin Jin state Emperor Ku 嚳 Houji 后稷 Buzhu 不窋 Ju 鞠 Gongliu 公劉 Qingjie 慶節 Huangpu 皇僕 Chaifu 差弗 Huiyu 毀渝 Gongfei 公非 Gaoyu 高圉 Yayu 亞圉 Gongshu Zulei 公叔祖類 Duke Zulei of Shu Tai of Zhou 周太王 Jili 季歷 Wu Taibo 吳太伯 Zhongyong 仲雍 Wen of Zhou 周文王 1152-1099 –1050–1056BC State of Wu Wu of Zhou 武王 ?–(1050–)1046 –1043 BC Cheng of Zhou 周成王 1042–1021 BC Shu Yu of Tang 唐叔虞 1042–? BCE Kang of Zhou 周康王 1021–996 BC Xie of Jin 晉侯燮 Zhou dynasty Wu of Jin 晉武侯 Cheng of Jin 晉成侯 Li of Jin 晉厲侯 ?–859 BC Jing of Jin 晉靖侯 858–841 BC Xi of Jin 晉釐侯 841–823 BC Boqiao 伯僑 Xian of Jin 晉獻侯 823–812 BC □ Mu of Jin 晉穆侯 812–785 BC Shang Shu 晉殤叔 785–781BC Tu 突 Wen of Jin 晉文侯 780–746 BC Huan Shu of Quwo 曲沃桓叔 745–731 BC Zhao of Jin 晉昭侯 745–739BC Zhuang Bo of Quwo 曲沃莊伯 731–716 BCE Wuzi of Han 韩武子 Xiao of Jin 晉孝侯 739–724 BC Wu of Quwo and Jin 曲沃(晉)武公 679–677 BC Qiubo of Han 韓赇伯 E of Jin 晉鄂侯 724–718 BC Xian of Jin 晉獻公 676–651 BC Hán Jiǎn 韓简 Ai of Jin 晉哀侯 717–709 BC Min of Jin 晉侯緡 704–678 BCE Shensheng 申生 d. 655 BC Wen of Jin 重耳 697–636–628 BC Hui of Jin 晉惠公 650–637 BC Xiqi of Jin 奚齊 665–651 BC Zhuozi of Jin 卓子 d. 651 Ziyu 子舆 Xiaozi of Jin 晉小子侯 708–705 BC Xiang of Jin 晋襄公 627–621 BC Cheng of Jin 晋成公 606–600 BC Huai of Jin 晉懷公 637 BC Xianzi of Han 韩献子 Ling of Jin 晋灵公 620–607 BC Jie 桓叔捷 Jing of Jin 晋景公 599–581 BC State of Han Tan 惠伯談 Li of Jin 晋厉公 580–573 BC Dao of Jin 晉悼公 586–573-558 BC Ping of Jin 晋平公 557–532 BC Zhao of Jin 晋昭公 531–526 BC Qing of Jin 晉頃公 525–512 BC 戴子雍 Ding of Jin 晉定公 511–475 BC Ji 忌 Chu of Jin 晉出公 474–452 BC Jing of Jin 晉敬公 451–434 BC You of Jin 晉幽公 433–416 BC Lie of Jin 晉烈公 415–389 BC Huan of Jin 晉桓公 388–369 BC Jing of Jin 晉靜公 356–349 BC(?) Lu Song Wey Zheng Cai Main article: Rulers of Cai family tree Cai state rulers Shu Du of Cai 蔡叔度 Ruler of Cai 1046 BC – ? Ji Hu 姬胡 Zhong Hu of Cai 蔡仲 Ruler of Cai Ji Huang 姬荒 Earl Huang of Cai 蔡伯荒 Ruler of Cai Marquis Gōng of Cai 蔡宫侯 Ruler of Cai Marquis Li of Cai 蔡厉侯 Ruler of Cai ?–863 BC Wu of Cai 蔡武侯 Marquis of Cai ?–864–838 BC Yi of Cai 蔡夷侯 Marquis of Cai ?–838–810 BC Ji Suǒshi 姬所事 Xi of Cai 蔡僖侯 Marquis of Cai ?–810–762 BC Ji Xīng 姬興 Gòng of Cai 蔡共侯 Marquis of Cai ?–762–760 BC Dai of Cai 蔡戴侯 Marquis of Cai ?–760–750 BC Ji Cuòfu 姬措父 Xuan of Cai 蔡宣侯 Marquis of Cai ?–750–715 BC Jī Fēngrén 姫封人 Huan of Cai 蔡桓侯 Marquis of Cai ?–715–695 BC Jī Xiànwǔ 姫獻舞 Ai of Cai 蔡哀侯 Marquis of Cai ?–695–675 BC Jī Xì 姬肸 Mu of Cai 蔡穆侯 Marquis of Cai ?–675–646 BC Jī Jiǎwǔ 姬甲午 Zhuang of Cai 蔡庄侯 Marquis of Cai ?–646–612 BC Jī Shēn 姬申 Wen of Cai 蔡文侯 Marquis of Cai ?–612–592 BC Ducal Son Prince Xiè 公子燮 ?–553 BC Ducal Son Prince Lǚ 公子履 Jī Gù 姬固 Jing of Cai 蔡景侯 Marquis of Cai ?–592–543 BC Jī Bān 姬般 Ling of Cai 蔡灵侯 Marquis of Cai ?–543–531 BC 隐太子 ?–530 BC Jī Lú 姬廬 Ping of Cai 蔡平侯 Marquis of Cai ?–529–522 BC Jī Dōngguó 姬東國 Dao of Cai 蔡悼侯 Marquis of Cai ?–522–519 BC Jī Shēn 姬申 Zhao of Cai 蔡昭侯 Marquis of Cai ?–519–491 BC Marquis Zhū of Cai 蔡侯朱 Marquis of Cai ?–522–? BC Jī Shuò 姬朔 Cheng of Cai 蔡成侯 Marquis of Cai ?–491–472 BC Yuán 元 Gān 乾 Jī Chuǎn 姬産 Sheng of Cai 蔡声侯 Marquis of Cai ?–472–457 BC Yuan of Cai 蔡元侯 Marquis of Cai ?–457–451 BC Jī Qí 姬齊 Qi of Cai 蔡侯齐 Marquis of Cai ?–451–447 BC Cao Chen Wu Main article: Kings of Wu family tree State of Wu Tai King of Zhou 周太王 (1)Taibo 太伯 (2) Zhongyong 仲雍 Jili King of Zhou 季歷 (3)Jijian 季简 Chang 昌 Wen of Zhou 周文王 1099–1152BC –1056-1050 (4)Shuda 叔达 Wu of Zhou (5)Z...
   
2. Title: Wikiwand: Zhou dynasty
   Author: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
   Publication: Name: https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Zhou_dynasty;
   Note: The Zhou dynasty (Chinese: 周; pinyin: "Zhōu" [ʈʂóu]) was a Chinese dynasty that followed the Shang dynasty and preceded the Qin dynasty. The Zhou dynasty lasted longer than any other dynasty in Chinese history (790 years). The military control of China by the royal house, surnamed Ji, lasted initially from 1046 until 771 BC for a period known as the Western Zhou and the political sphere of influence it created continued well into the Eastern Zhou period for another 500 years. During the Zhou dynasty, centralized power decreased throughout the Spring and Autumn period until the Warring States period in the last two centuries of the dynasty. In the latter period, the Zhou court had little control over its constituent states that were at war with each other until the Qin state consolidated power and formed the Qin dynasty in 221 BC. The Zhou dynasty had formally collapsed only 35 years earlier, although the dynasty had only nominal power at that point. This period of Chinese history produced what many consider the zenith of Chinese bronzeware making. The latter period of the Zhou dynasty is also famous for the beginnings of three major Chinese philosophies: Confucianism, Taoism and Legalism. The Zhou dynasty also spans the period in which the written script evolved into its almost-modern form with the use of an archaic clerical script that emerged during the late Warring States period. History Foundation See also: Predynastic Zhou Traditional myth According to Chinese mythology, the Zhou lineage began when Jiang Yuan, a consort of the legendary Emperor Ku, miraculously conceived a child, Qi "the Abandoned One," after stepping into the divine footprint of Shangdi. Qi was a culture hero credited with surviving three abandonments by his mother and with greatly improving Xia agriculture, to the point where he was granted lordship over Tai and the surname Ji by his own Xia king and a later posthumous name, Houji "Lord of Millet," by the Tang of Shang. He even received sacrifice as a harvest god. The term "Hòujì" was probably a hereditary title attached to a lineage. Qi's son, or rather that of the "Hòujì," Buzhu is said to have abandoned his position as Agrarian Master (Chinese: 農師; pinyin: "Nóngshī") in old age and either he or his son Ju abandoned their tradition, living in the manner of the Xirong and Rongdi (see Hua–Yi distinction). Ju's son Liu,[8] however, led his people to prosperity by restoring agriculture and settling them at a place called Bin, which his descendants ruled for generations. Tai later led the clan from Bin to Zhou, an area in the Wei River valley of modern-day Qishan County. The duke passed over his two elder sons Taibo and Zhongyong to favor the younger Jili, a warrior in his own right. As a vassal of the Shang kings Wu Yi and Wen Ding, Jili went to conquer several Xirong tribes before being treacherously killed by Shang forces. Taibo and Zhongyong had supposedly already fled to the Yangtze delta, where they established the state of Wu among the tribes there. Jili's son Wen bribed his way out of imprisonment and moved the Zhou capital to Feng (within present-day Xi'an). Around 1046 BC, Wen's son Wu and his ally Jiang Ziya led an army of 45,000 men and 300 chariots across the Yellow River and defeated King Zhou of Shang at the Battle of Muye, marking the beginning of the Zhou dynasty. The Zhou enfeoffed a member of the defeated Shang royal family as the Duke of Song, which was held by descendants of the Shang royal family until its end. This practice was referred to as Two Kings, Three Reverences. Culture According to Nicholas Bodman, the Zhou appear to have spoken a language not basically different in vocabulary and syntax from that of the Shang. A recent study by David McCraw, using lexical statistics, reached the same conclusion. The Zhou emulated extensively Shang cultural practices, perhaps to legitimize their own rule, and became the successors to Shang culture. At the same time, the Zhou may also have been connected to the Xirong, a broadly defined cultural group to the west of the Shang, which the Shang regarded as tributaries. According to the historian Li Feng, the term "Rong" during the Western Zhou period likely was used to designate political and military adversaries rather than cultural and ethnic "others." Western Zhou Main article: Western Zhou King Wu maintained the old capital for ceremonial purposes but constructed a new one for his palace and administration nearby at Hao. Although Wu's early death left a young and inexperienced heir, the Duke of Zhou assisted his nephew King Cheng in consolidating royal power. Wary of the Duke of Zhou's increasing power, the "Three Guards," Zhou princes stationed on the eastern plain, rose in rebellion against his regency. Even though they garnered the support of independent-minded nobles, Shang partisans and several Dongyi tribes, the Duke of Zhou quelled the rebellion, and further expanded the Zhou Kingdom into the east. To maintain Zhou authority over its greatly expanded territory and prevent other revolts, he set up the fengjian system. Furthermore, he countered Zhou's crisis of legitimacy by expounding the doctrine of the Mandate of Heaven while accommodating important Shang rituals at Wangcheng and Chengzhou. Over time, this decentralized system became strained as the familial relationships between the Zhou kings and the regional dynasties thinned over the generations. Peripheral territories developed local power and prestige on par with that of the Zhou. When King You demoted and exiled his Jiang queen in favor of the beautiful commoner Bao Si, the disgraced queen's father the Marquis of Shen joined with Zeng and the Quanrong barbarians to sack Hao in 771 BC. Some modern scholars have surmised that the sack of Haojing might have been connected to a Scythian raid from the Altai before their westward expansion. With King You dead, a conclave of nobles met at Shen and declared the Marquis's grandson King Ping. The capital was moved eastward to Wangcheng, marking the end of the "Western Zhou" (西周, p Xī Zhōu) and the beginning of the "Eastern Zhou" dynasty (东周, p Dōng Zhōu). Eastern Zhou Main article: Eastern Zhou The Eastern Zhou was characterized by an accelerating collapse of royal authority, although the king's ritual importance allowed over five more centuries of rule. The Confucian chronicle of the early years of this process led to its title of the "Spring and Autumn" period. The partition of Jin in the mid-5th century BC initiated a second phase, the "Warring States." In 403 BC, the Zhou court recognized Han, Zhao, and Wei as fully independent states. Duke Hui of Wei, in 344 BC, was the first to claim the royal title of king (Chinese: 王) for himself. Others followed, marking a turning point, as rulers did not even entertain the pretense of being vassals of the Zhou court, instead proclaiming themselves fully independent kingdoms. A series of states rose to prominence before each falling in turn, and Zhou was a minor player in most of these conflicts. The last Zhou king traditionally is taken to be Nan, who was killed when Qin captured the capital Wangcheng in 256 BC. A "King Hui" was declared, but his splinter state was removed fully by 249 BC. Qin's unification of China concluded in 221 BC with Qin Shihuang's annexation of Qi. The Eastern Zhou, however, also is remembered as the golden age of Chinese philosophy: the Hundred Schools of Thought which flourished as rival lords patronized itinerant shi scholars is led by the example of Qi's Jixia Academy. The Nine Schools of Thought which came to dominate the others were Confucianism (as interpreted by Mencius and others), Legalism, Taoism, Mohism, the utopian communalist Agriculturalism, two strains of Diplomatists, the sophistic Logicians, Sun-tzu's Militarists, and the Naturalists. Although only the first three of these went on to receive imperial patronage in later dynasties, doctrines from each influenced the others and Chinese society in sometimes unusual ways. The Mohists, for instance, found little interest in their praise of meritocracy but much acceptance for their mastery of defensive siege warfare; much later, however, their arguments against nepotism were used in favor of establishing the imperial examination system. Culture and society Mandate of Heaven and the justification of power Zhou rulers introduced what was to prove one of East Asia's most enduring political doctrines: the concept of the "Mandate of Heaven." They did this by asserting that their moral superiority justified taking over Shang wealth and territories, and that heaven had imposed a moral mandate on them to replace the Shang and return good governance to the people. The Mandate of Heaven was presented as a religious compact between the Zhou people and their supreme god in heaven (literally the "sky god"). The Zhou agreed that since worldly affairs were supposed to align with those of the heavens, the heavens conferred legitimate power on only one person, the Zhou ruler. In return, the ruler was duty-bound to uphold heaven's principles of harmony and honor. Any ruler who failed in this duty, who let instability creep into earthly affairs, or who let his people suffer, would lose the mandate. Under this system, it was the prerogative of spiritual authority to withdraw support from any wayward ruler and to find another, more worthy one. In this way, the Zhou sky god legitimated regime change. In using this creed, the Zhou rulers had to acknowledge that any group of rulers, even they themselves, could be ousted if they lost the mandate of heaven because of improper practices. The book of odes written during the Zhou period clearly intoned this caution. The early Zhou kings contended that heaven favored their triumph because the last Shang kings had been evil men whose policies brought pain to the people through waste and corruption. After the Zhou came to power, the mandate becam...
   
3. Title: Baxter-Sagart Old Chinese reconstruction, version of 20 February 2011
   Author: Baxter-Sagart Old Chinese reconstruction, version of 20 February 2011 William H. Baxter (白一平) and Laurent Sagart (沙加爾) order: alphabetical by Middle Chinese initial, final, and tone
   Publication: Name: https://web.archive.org/web/20120425064509/http://crlao.ehess.fr/docannexe.php?id=1207;
   Note: The following table presents data for some 4,000 items with Old Chinese reconstructions in the Baxter-Sagart system, as of the current date, in alphabetical order by Middle Chinese initial, final, and tone. There are accompanying tables in the following orders: (1) Mandarin pronunciation in pīnyīn, (2) Middle Chinese final, initial, and tone; (3) Grammata serica recensa numbers, and (4) radical and stroke numbers. A full introduction and explanation of the Baxter-Sagart system is currently in preparation. The columns are as follows: 字 character (traditional form) pīnyīn standard pronunciation in pīnyīn romanization MC ASCII-friendly Middle Chinese transcription MC analyzed Middle Chinese analyzed into initial, final, and tone (A, B, C, D) OC Old Chinese reconstruction in the Baxter-Sagart system, in two forms: (1) a convenient, user-friendly form that omits information about uncertainties in the reconstruction, followed (where necessary) by (2) a reconstruction in curly brackets which indicates more explicitly which parts of the reconstruction are less secure. For some items there are remarks about possible dialect developments. gloss a simple gloss intended for identification only; for more accurate information about meaning, one of the large standard dictionaries should be consulted. GSR the letter and number of the item in Karlgren’s Grammata serica recensa; items which do not appear in GSR are usually assigned an appropriate number, without a letter. Unicode hexadecimal Unicode for the character in the UTF-16 encoding All data are in UTF-16 encoding (little-endian). The Times New Roman font is used except for the 字 column, which uses SimSun (Founder Extended), and the OC column, which uses Doulos SIL (available from www.sil.org). Our data are certain to contain some errors, which we will attempt to correct in subsequent versions. We will be setting up a website soon to receive comments, questions, and suggestions for corrections. 字 pīnyīn MC MC analyzed OC gloss GSR UTF-16 阿 ē 'a ('- + -a A) *qˤar slope, river bank 0001m U+963F 鴉 yā 'ae ('- + -ae A) *qˤra raven, crow 0037h U+9D09 啞 yǎ 'aeX ('- + -ae B) *ʔˤraʔ mute 0805f U+555E 亞 yà 'aeH ('- + -ae C) *ʔˤrak-s secondary 0805a U+4E9E 晏 yàn 'aenH ('- + -aen C) *ʔˤan-s {*ʔˤa[n]-s} peace, rest 0146f U+664F 鴳 yàn 'aenH ('- + -aen C) *ʔˤar-s {*ʔˤa[r]-s} a kind of quail 0146g U+9D33 押 yā 'aep ('- + -aep D) *qˤrep to seal, stamp 0629h U+62BC 鷽 xué 'aewk ('- + -aewk D) *qˤruk a kind of bird 1038h U+9DFD 堊 è 'ak ('- + -ak D) *ʔˤak plaster (v.) 0805g U+580A 惡 è 'ak ('- + -ak D) *ʔˤak bad, ugly 0805h U+60E1 鞌 ān 'an ('- + -an A) *ʔˤan {*[ʔ]ˤa[n]} [place name] 146 U+978C 鞍 ān 'an ('- + -an A) *ʔˤan {*[ʔ]ˤa[n]} [place name] 146 U+978D 安 ān 'an ('- + -an A) *ʔˤan {*[ʔ]ˤa[n]} peace(ful) 0146a U+5B89 安 ān 'an ('- + -an A) *ʔˤan {*[ʔ]ˤa[n]} how 0146a U+5B89 按 àn 'anH ('- + -an C) *ʔˤan-s {*ʔˤa[n]-s} repress 0146d U+6309 案 àn 'anH ('- + -an C) *ʔˤan-s {*ʔˤa[n]-s} stool; tray 0146e U+6848 頞 è 'at ('- + -at D) *ʔˤat root of the nose 0146h U+981E 閼 è 'at ('- + -at D) *qˤat repress; cease 0270a U+95BC 遏 è 'at ('- + -at D) *qˤat repress; cease 0313l U+904F 媼 ǎo 'awX ('- + -aw B) *ʔˤuʔ old woman 1244e U+5ABC 奧 ào 'awH ('- + -aw C) *ʔˤuk-s southwest corner of a house 1045a U+5967 澳 ào 'awH ('- + -aw C) *ʔˤuk-s bay, cove 1045b U+6FB3 隘 ài 'eaH ('- + -ea C) *qˤik-s {*qˤ[i]k-s} a narrow pass 0849h U+9698 厄 è 'eak ('- + -eak D) *qˤik {*qˤ[i]k} part of a yoke 0844b U+5384 軛 è 'eak ('- + -eak D) *qˤik {*qˤ[i]k} part of a yoke 0844e U+8EDB 隘 è 'eak ('- + -eak D) *qˤik {*qˤ[i]k} a narrow pass 0849h U+9698 殷 yān 'ean ('- + -ean A) *ʔˤrər {*ʔˤrə[r]} dark-red 0448a U+6BB7 罌 yīng 'eang ('- + -eang A) *ʔˤreŋ {*[ʔ]ˤreŋ} jar, vase 0814h U+7F4C 罃 yīng 'eang ('- + -eang A) *ʔˤreŋ {*[ʔ]ˤreŋ} [in proper name] 843 U+7F43 揠 yà 'eat ('- + -eat D) *ʔˤret {*ʔˤr[e]t} pull up 0253m U+63E0 軋 yà 'eat ('- + -eat D) *qˤrət crush 0280a U+8ECB 鷖 yī 'ej ('- + -ej A) *ʔˤij seagull; fabulous bird 0589g U+9DD6 縊 yì 'ejH ('- + -ej C) *qˤik-s {*qˤ[i]k-s} strangle 0849g U+7E0A 咽 yān 'en ('- + -en A) *ʔˤin {*ʔˤi[n]} gullet 0370h U+54BD 烟 yān 'en ('- + -en A) *qˤin {*[q]ˤi[n]} vapor, smoke 0370i U+70DF 煙 yān 'en ('- + -en A) *qˤin {*[q]ˤi[n]} smoke 0483h U+7159 晏 yàn 'enH ('- + -en C) *ʔˤen-s {*ʔˤe[n]-s} rest (v.) 0146f U+664F 燕 yàn 'enH ('- + -en C) *ʔˤen-s {*ʔˤe[n]-s} swallow (n.)# 0243a U+71D5 燕 yàn 'enH ('- + -en C) *ʔˤen-s {*ʔˤe[n]-s} feast 0243a U+71D5 宴 yàn 'enH ('- + -en C) *ʔˤen-s {*ʔˤe[n]-s} feast (n.) 0253b U+5BB4 咽 yàn 'enH ('- + -en C) *ʔˤin-s {*ʔˤi[n]-s} swallow (v.) 0370h U+54BD 噎 yē 'et ('- + -et D) *qˤik choke 0395b U+564E 幺 yāo 'ew ('- + -ew A) *ʔˤiw {*ʔˤ[i]w} small 1115a U+5E7A 窈 yǎo 'ewX ('- + -ew B) *ʔˤewʔ {*ʔˤ[e]wʔ} 'ewX-dewX hidden; deep 1115i U+7A88 意 yì 'iH ('- + -i C) *ʔək-s {*ʔ(r)ək-s} thought (n.) 0957a U+610F 㦤 yì 'ijH ('- + -ij C) *ʔrit-s {*[ʔ]ri[t]-s} repress 0395c U+39A4 㦤 yì 'ijH ('- + -ij C) *qit-s {*qi[t]-s} excellent 0395c U+39A4 抑 yì 'ik ('- + -ik D) *qik rub, repress 0915a U+6291 億 yì 'ik ('- + -ik D) *ʔək {*ʔ(r)ək} 100000 0957e U+5104 憶 yì 'ik ('- + -ik D) *ʔək {*ʔ(r)ək} remember 0957f U+61B6 臆 yì 'ik ('- + -ik D) *ʔək {*ʔ(r)ək} bosom 0957i U+81C6 陰 yīn 'im ('- + -im A) *qum {*q(r)[u]m} dark 0651y U+9670 音 yīn 'im ('- + -im A) *qəm {*[q](r)[ə]m} sound, tone 0653a U+97F3 飲 yǐn 'imX ('- + -im B) *qəmʔ {*q(r)[ə]mʔ} drink (v.) 0654a U+98F2 蔭 yìn 'imH ('- + -im C) *qəm-s {*q(r)[ə]m-s} shade 0651b' U+852D 飲 yìn 'imH ('- + -im C) *qəmʔ-s {*q(r)[ə]mʔ-s} give to drink 0654a U+98F2 鷹 yīng 'ing ('- + -ing A) *qəŋ {*[q](r)əŋ} eagle, falcon 0890c U+9DF9 膺 yīng 'ing ('- + -ing A) *qəŋ {*[q](r)əŋ} breast(plate); oppose 0890e U+81BA 邑 yì 'ip ('- + -ip D) *qəp {*q(r)[ə]p} city, town 0683a U+9091 浥 yì 'ip ('- + -ip D) *qip moist, moisten 0683h U+6D65 乙 yǐ 'it ('- + -it D) *qrət 2nd heavenly stem 0505a U+4E59 衣 yī 'j+j ('- + -j+j A) *ʔəj {*ʔ(r)əj} clothes 0550a U+8863 依 yī 'j+j ('- + -j+j A) *ʔəj lean upon 0550f U+4F9D 偯 yǐ 'j+jX ('- + -j+j B) *ʔəjʔ extended wailing 0550j U+506F 衣 yì 'j+jH ('- + -j+j C) *ʔəj-s wear (v.t.) 0550a U+8863 殷 yīn 'j+n ('- + -j+n A) *ʔər (dynastic name) 0448a U+6BB7 殷 yīn 'j+n ('- + -j+n A) *ʔər {*ʔə[r]} ample, many 0448a U+6BB7 慇 yīn 'j+n ('- + -j+n A) *ʔən {*ʔə[n]} grieved 0448e U+6147 隱 yǐn 'j+nX ('- + -j+n B) *ʔənʔ {*[ʔ](r)ə[n]ʔ} grieved; suffering 0449a U+96B1 隱 yǐn 'j+nX ('- + -j+n B) *ʔənʔ {*[ʔ](r)ə[n]ʔ} conceal 0449a U+96B1 隱 yìn 'j+nH ('- + -j+n C) *ʔərʔ-s {*ʔ(r)ə[r]ʔ-s} lean on 0449a U+96B1 英 yīng 'jaeng ('- + -jaeng A) *ʔraŋ flower, blossom 0718k U+82F1 影 yǐng 'jaengX ('- + -jaeng B) *qraŋʔ shadow (n.) 0756a U+5F71 約 yuē 'jak ('- + -jak D) *qewk {*q(r)ewk} bond, agreement 1120m U+7D04 約 yuē 'jak ('- + -jak D) *qewk {*q(r)ewk} bind 1120m U+7D04 央 yāng 'jang ('- + -jang A) *ʔaŋ end (v.) 0718a U+592E 央 yāng 'jang ('- + -jang A) *ʔaŋ center (n.) 0718a U+592E 殃 yāng 'jang ('- + -jang A) *ʔaŋ calamity 0718e U+6B83 鴦 yāng 'jang ('- + -jang A) *ʔaŋ female mandarin duck 0718h U+9D26 倚 yǐ 'jeX ('- + -je B) *Cə.qajʔ {*Cə.q(r)ajʔ} lean on 0001f' U+501A 淹 yān 'jem ('- + -jem A) *ʔom {*ʔ(r)om} submerge, soak 0614c U+6DF9 奄 yǎn 'jemX ('- + -jem B) *ʔomʔ {*ʔ(r)omʔ} cover 0614a U+5944 饜 yàn 'jemH ('- + -jem C) *ʔem-s satiated 0616d U+995C 焉 yān 'jen ('- + -jen A) *ʔan {*ʔa[n]} how 0200a U+7109 夭 yāo 'jew ('- + -jew A) *ʔaw {*[ʔ](r)aw} CHECK 1141a U+592D 益 yì 'jiek ('- + -jiek D) *qik (dial. > *-ek) increase 0849a U+76CA 嗌 yì 'jiek ('- + -jiek D) *qik {*q[i]k} (*-ik > *-ek) throat 0849c U+55CC 膉 yì 'jiek ('- + -jiek D) *qek {*q[e]k} throat 0849d U+8189 厭 yān 'jiem ('- + -jiem A) *ʔem contented (adj.) 0616c U+53AD 嬰 yīng 'jieng ('- + -jieng A) *ʔeŋ surround; necklace 0814a U+5B30 嬰 yīng 'jieng ('- + -jieng A) *ʔeŋ baby 0814a U+5B30 纓 yīng 'jieng ('- + -jieng A) *ʔeŋ ribbon 0814e U+7E93 腰 yāo 'jiew ('- + -jiew A) *ʔew waist 1142b U+8170 約 yào 'jiewH ('- + -jiew C) *qewk-s bond, agreement 1120m U+7D04 要 yào 'jiewH ('- + -jiew C) *ʔew-s important 1142a U+8981 伊 yī 'jij ('- + -jij A) *ʔij this 0604a U+4F0A 咿 yī 'jij ('- + -jij A) *ʔij forced laugh 0604d U+54BF 愔 yīn 'jim ('- + -jim A) *qim {*[q]im} mild, peaceful 0653c U+6114 因 yīn 'jin ('- + -jin A) *ʔin {*ʔi[n]} rely on 0370a U+56E0 垔 yīn 'jin ('- + -jin A) *qin {*[q]i[n]} dam up, block; mound 0483a U+5794 陻 yīn 'jin ('- + -jin A) *qin {*[q]i[n]} dam up, block; mound 0483c U+967B 禋 yīn 'jin ('- + -jin A) *qin {*[q]i[n]} sacrifice 0483g U+798B 印 yìn 'jinH ('- + -jin C) *qiŋ-s {*[q]i[ŋ]-s} seal 1251f U+5370 挹 yì 'jip ('- + -jip D) *qip to bow; suppress 0683g U+6339 挹 yì 'jip ('- + -jip D) *qip to ladle out 0683g U+6339 挹 yì 'jip ('- + -jip D) *qip suppress 0683g U+6339 一 yī 'jit ('- + -jit D) *ʔit {*ʔi[t]} one 0394a U+4E00 壹 yī 'jit ('- + -jit D) *ʔit {*[ʔ]i[t]} one 0395a U+58F9 幽 yōu 'jiw ('- + -jiw A) *ʔiw {*[ʔ](r)iw} dark; secluded 1115c U+5E7D 幼 yòu 'jiwH ('- + -jiw C) *ʔiw-s {*[ʔ](r)iw-s} young 1115f U+5E7C 於 yú 'jo ('- + -jo A) *ʔa {*[ʔ]a} at (locative preposition) 0061e U+65BC 偃 yǎn 'jonX ('- + -jon B) *ʔanʔ {*ʔa[n]ʔ} bend down 0253g U+5043 謁 yè 'jot ('- + -jot D) *qat go to visit 0313x U+8B01 癰 yōng 'jowng ('- + -jowng A) *qoŋ {*q(r)oŋ} ulcer 1184l U+7670 迂 yū 'ju ('- + -ju A) *qʷa {*qʷ(r)a} astray; far 0097p U+8FC2 紆 yū 'ju ('- + -ju A) *qʷa {*qʷ(r)a} bent, crooked 0097y U+7D06 蘊 yǔn 'junX ('- + -jun B) *ʔunʔ accumulate, block up 0426i U+860A 慍 yùn 'junH ('- + -jun C) *ʔun-s anger, angry 0426e U+614D 蘊 yùn 'junH ('- + -jun C) *ʔunʔ-s accumulate, block up 0426i U+860A 鬱 yù 'jut ('- + -jut D) *qut blocked; anxious 0495b U+9B31 蔚 yù 'jut ('- + -jut D) *ʔut Artemisia 0525f U+851A 優 yōu 'juw ('- + -juw A) *ʔu {*ʔ(r)u} entertainer; liberal 1071d U+512A 彧 yù 'juwk ('- + -juwk D) *qʷək flourishing 0929y U+5F67 郁 yù 'juwk ('- + -juwk D) *qʷək stately, elegant 0995a' U+90C1 奧 yù 'juwk ('- + -juwk D) *ʔuk {*ʔ(r)uk} cove in the bank of a stream 1045a U+5967 薁 yù 'juwk ('- + -juwk D) *ʔuk {*ʔ(r)uk} wild vine 1045e U+8581 威 wēi 'jw+j ('- + -jw+j A) *ʔuj awe-inspiring 0574a U+5A01 㷉 wèi 'jw...
   
4. Title: Wikiwand: Posthumous name
   Author: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
   Publication: Name: https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Posthumous_name;
   Note: A posthumous name is an honorary name given to royalty, nobles, and sometimes others, in East Asia after the person's death, and is used almost exclusively instead of one's personal name or other official titles which had been used during the person's life. The posthumous name is commonly used when naming royalty of China, Korea, Vietnam, and Japan. Posthumous names in China and Vietnam were also given to honor lifetime accomplishments of many people who did not have hereditary titles – for example, to successful courtiers. A posthumous name should not be confused with the era name and temple name. Use The posthumous name consists of one or more adjectives inserted before the ruler's current title. As rulers from different states might share the same posthumous name, but rulers within a state would usually not repeat an already used name, the name of the state or domain is usually also given to avoid ambiguity. In Chinese the whole construct is therefore "state][adjective][title]," which in English is typically translated as "[title][adjective] of [state]", such as King Wen of Zhou, Duke Mu of Qin, and King Cheng of Chu. The literal meaning of the adjective is normally not translated. While the names of living Chinese can be just about any combination of characters, the posthumous name was chosen from a rather small pool of stock characters; the literal meaning of which eroded as a result. History Origins Early mythological rulers such as Emperor Yao are considered to have posthumous names. All rulers of Shang Dynasty are known only by their posthumous names, as their personal names were not recorded in classical texts. Archaeological discoveries have shown that early kings of the Zhou dynasty, such as King Wen and King Wu, used "posthumous names" during their lifetime, but later they became chosen by successors after the ruler's death. As a result, final rulers of states and rulers seen as illegitimate (such as usurpers) often do not have posthumous names and are referred to by their personal names, e.g. Jian, King of Qi; Min, Marquis of Jin; and Chen Tuo. The use of posthumous names was stopped in the Qin Dynasty, because Qin Shi Huang proclaimed that it is disrespectful for the descendants, or "later emperors" to judge their elders, or the "prior emperors" (先帝). The practice was revived in the Han Dynasty after the demise of Qin. Decline in use Posthumous names are the conventional way of referring to rulers from the Zhou dynasty to the Sui dynasty. In the Zhou dynasty the posthumous name was usually only one character, such as "Wen" (cultured) or "Wu" (martial). However, as time went on rulers began to add more and more characters to the posthumous names of their ancestors. By the time of the first emperor of Tang the length had grown to 7 characters, which was taxing to pronounce or write. Therefore, emperors from Tang on are commonly referred to by either their temple name (Tang through Yuan dynasties) or era name (Ming and Qing dynasties), both of which are always just two characters long and therefore easy to remember and use. Later developments Posthumous names commonly made tracing linear genealogies simpler and kept a blood line apparent. The rule was also followed by non-Han Chinese rulers of Sixteen Kingdoms, Silla, Japan, Kingdom of Nanzhao, Liao dynasty, Vietnam, Western Xia, Jin dynasty, Yuan dynasty and Qing dynasty. King names of Hồng Bàng dynasty and Mahan also followed the rule but they are thought to be later work. Some rulers, such as Wu Zetian, or rebel leaders also had similar style regnal names when they were alive. Most monarchs inherited the throne and did not give bad posthumous names to the previous monarch. Some names were lengthened or changed by later monarchs. Emperor Aizong of Jin and Chongzhen Emperor had different names from different people. Qin Hui, of the Song dynasty, had a good name, was given a bad one, and had the good name later restored. After the Song dynasty few received bad names. Bad monarchs of the Joseon dynasty did not receive posthumous names. Emperors of China continued to receive posthumous names of increasing length as a matter of ritual long after the naming convention had been abandoned in casual speech and writing. The Guangxu Emperor, who died in 1908 and was the last emperor to receive a posthumous name, sports the impressive 21-character title of "Emperor Tongtian Chongyun Dazhong Zhizheng Jingwen Weiwu Renxiao Ruizhi Duanjian Kuanqin Jing of Qing." Puyi, the last emperor of China, did not receive a posthumous name upon his death in 1967 since he died at the height of the Cultural Revolution, when such practices would have been thought feudal. Use of posthumous names ceased in China with the aforementioned Guangxu Emperor, in Vietnam with the Khải Định Emperor (died 1925) and in Korea with the Yunghui Emperor (died 1926). However, in Korea unofficial posthumous names were given to Crown Prince Euimin and Gu, Prince Imperial Hoeun. Contemporary Japanese use Posthumous names are in use to this day in Japan. A deceased emperor is given a posthumous name, which beginning with Emperor Meiji (d.1912) is identical to his era name and therefore always two characters long. The most recently conferred posthumous name is that of Emperor Shōwa (d.1989). A non-royal deceased person may be given a posthumous Buddhist name known as kaimyō," but is in practice still referred to by the living name. Guidelines Selection Posthumous names can be praises (褒字) or deprecations (貶字). There are more praises than deprecations, so posthumous names are also commonly called "respectful names" (尊號 zūnhào) in Chinese. Sima Qian's "Records of the Grand Historian" outlines extensively the rules behind choosing the names. Some of those guidelines: . Praises . Those having a persistent and reasonable governance (剛強直理) are called "Martial" (武 wǔ). (This is one of the most honorable names.) . Those who sympathize with the people and recognize their needs (愍民惠禮) are called "Civil" (文 wén). (This is one of the most honorable names.) . Those who respect the talented and value righteousness (尊賢貴義) are called "Reverent" (恭 gòng). . Those who are kind and benevolent in nature (溫柔賢善) are called "Benign" (懿 yì). . Those who aid the people out of righteousness (由義而濟) are called "Admirable" (景 jǐng). . Those who treat the people compassionately with a gentle quality (柔質慈民) are called "Compassionate" (惠 huì). . Those who eliminate destructions and purge cruelty (除殘去虐) are called "Tang" (湯 tāng). Possibly named after the revered ruler Cheng Tang (成湯), the founder of the Shang Dynasty. . Those who make the people feel satisfied with their policies (安民立政) are called "Constructive" (成 chéng). Again, possibly named after Cheng Tang. . Those who are considerate and far-sighted (果慮果遠) are called "Brilliant" (明 míng). . Those who preach their virtue and righteousness to the people (布德執義) are called "Majestic" (穆 mù). . Those who are aggressive to expand their realm (辟土服遠) are called "Exploratory" (桓 huán). . "Highly (respected)" (高 gāo) is particularly reserved for the founders of dynasties. . Deprecations . Those who lived short lives without much accomplishment (短折不成) are called "Passed Away Prematurely" (殤 shāng). . Those who have a constant twinge of depression (often due to political plights) during their governance (在國遭憂) are called "Pitiful" (愍 mǐn). . Those who lose their spouses and pass away at their early age (蚤孤短折) are called "Lamentable" (哀 āi). . Those who are obliged to make sacrifices to their ancestors (肆行勞祀) are called "Mournful" (悼 dào). However, most of these qualifications are subjective, repetitive, and highly stereotypical; hence the names are chosen somewhat arbitrarily. Such names are usually given by court historians, according to their good deeds or the bad ones. When combining an emperor's temple name and posthumous name, the temple name is placed first. For example, the Shunzhi Emperor whose full posthumous name would be "Shi Zu - Zhang Huang Di" (世祖章皇帝), combining the last 2 characters of his temple name and the last 3 of his posthumous name, which is the form most commonly seen in old documents. A fuller description of this naming convention for royalty appears in the Chinese sovereign entry. The posthumous names of some monarchs and royal members were long, for example Hongwu Emperor, Nurhaci, Crown Prince Hyomyeong, Sunjo of Joseon and Empress Dowager Cixi. Some monarchs did not follow these guidelines. Some monarchs of Ju, Chu, and Qi used place names. Some monarchs of Yue (state) had Chinese transliterated posthumous names. Some monarchs of Goguryeo, Silla and Baekje had different style posthumous names. Some early Japan monarchs also had Japanese-style posthumous names (和風諡号). China Emperors and empresses All Chinese posthumous names for rulers end in one or two of the characters for "emperor," "Huángdì" (皇帝, i.e. emperor), which can be shortened to Dì; except about a dozen or so less recognized ones who have had only "Dì" and no "Huáng." Starting with Emperor Xiaowen of Han (more commonly "Emperor Wen"), every single Han emperor, except the first one of the Eastern Han Dynasty, has the character of "filial" (孝 xiào) at the beginning of his posthumous names. "Filial" is also used in the full posthumous names of virtually all emperors and empresses of the Tang, Song, Ming and Qing Dynasties. For Qing emperors, 孝 xiào is placed in various position in the string of characters, while those Qing empresses who were given posthumous names, 孝 xiào is always initial. The number of characters in posthumous names was increasing. The emperors of the Tang Dynasty have names in between seven and eighteen characters. Those in the Qing Dynasty have twenty-one characters. For instance, that of the Shunzhi Emperor was "The Emperor of Order who Observes the Heavenly Rituals with a Solemn Fate, Destined to Unif...
   
5. Title: China Collection of Genealogies; https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3QS7-89MC-49ZY-S?cc=1787988&wc=3XK6-6TL%3A1022997501%2C1021934502%2C1021944401%2C1021937902%2C1023189801
   Author: "中國, 族譜收藏," database with images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3QS7-89MC-49ZY-S?cc=1787988&wc=3XK6-6TL%3A1022997501%2C1021934502%2C1021944401%2C1021937902%2C1023189801 : 20 May 2014), Yu 余 > China 中國 > Guangdong 廣東 > 不詳 > 余氏族譜[30卷] : 14冊 : 1-5冊(卷1-6), 1912 > image 6 of 533; from various institutions and private holdings in China, North America, and Southeast Asia.
   Publication: Name: https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3QS7-89MC-49ZY-S;
   Note: ..Jili (季歷) Father-Gugong Danfu(古公亶父)- King Tai of Zhou(周太王) Son- King Wen of Zhou(周文王)Chang(昌)
   Page: Shows Family Lineage: ..Jili (季歷) Father-Gugong Danfu(古公亶父)- King Tai of Zhou(周太王) Son- King Wen of Zhou(周文王)Chang(昌)
   
6. Title: Wikiwand: Records of the Grand Historian
   Author: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
   Publication: Name: https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Records_of_the_Grand_Historian;
   Note: The "Records of the Grand Historian," also known by its Chinese name "Shiji," is a monumental history of ancient China and the world finished around 94 BC by the Han dynasty official Sima Qian after having been started by his father, Sima Tan, Grand Astrologer to the imperial court. The work covers the world as it was then known to the Chinese and a 2500-year period from the age of the legendary Yellow Emperor to the reign of Emperor Wu of Han in the author's own time." The ""Records" has been called a "foundational text in Chinese civilization." After Confucius and the First Emperor of Qin, "Sima Qian was one of the creators of Imperial China, not least because by providing definitive biographies, he virtually created the two earlier figures." The "Records" set the model for the 24 subsequent dynastic histories of China. In contrast to Western historical works, the Records do not treat history as "a continuous, sweeping narrative," but rather break it up into smaller, overlapping units dealing with famous leaders, individuals, and major topics of significance. History Further information: Chinese historiography The work that became "Records of the Grand Historian" was begun by Sima Tan, the Grand Astrologer ("Taishi" 太史) of the Han dynasty court during the late 2nd century BC. Sima Tan drafted plans for the ambitious work and left behind some fragments and notes that may have been incorporated into the final text. After his death in 110 BC, the project was continued and completed by his son and successor Sima Qian, who is generally credited as the work's author. The exact date of the Records's completion is unknown, but it is certain that Sima Qian completed it before his death about 86 BC, with one copy residing in the imperial capital of Chang'an (modern Xi'an) and the other copy probably being stored in his home. The original title of the work, as given by the author in the postface is "Taishigongshu" (太史公書), or " Records of the Grand Historian," although it also was known by a variety of other titles, including "Taishigongji" (太史公記) and "Taishigongzhuan" (太史公傳) in ancient times. Eventually, "Shiji" (史記), or "Historical Records" became the most commonly used title in Chinese. This title originally was used to refer to any general historical text, although after the Three Kingdoms period, "Shiji" gradually began to be used exclusively to refer to Sima Qian's work. In English, the original title, ""Records of the Grand Historian is in common use, although "Historical Records," "The Grand Scribe's Records," and "Records of the Historian" are used. Details of the "Records'" early reception and circulation are not well known. A number of 1st century BC authors, such as the scholar Chu Shaosun (褚少孫; fl. 32–7 BC), added interpolations to the "Records," and may have had to reconstruct portions of it: ten of the original 130 chapters were lost in the Eastern Han period (AD 25–220) and seem to have been reconstructed later. Beginning in the Northern and Southern dynasties (420–589) and the Tang dynasty (618–907), a number of scholars wrote and edited commentaries to the "Records." Most 2nd millennium editions of the "Records" include the commentaries of Pei Yin (裴駰, 5th century), Sima Zhen (early 8th century), and Zhang Shoujie (張守節, early 8th century). The combined commentaries of these three scholars is known as the "Sanjiazhu" (三家注, "commentaries of the three experts"). The primary modern edition of the ""Records is the 10-volume Zhonghua Book Company edition of 1959 (revised in 1982), and is based on an edition prepared by the Chinese historian Gu Jiegang in the early 1930s and includes the "Sanjiazhu." Manuscripts There are two known surviving fragments of "Records" manuscripts from before the Tang dynasty, both of which are preserved in the Ishiyama-dera temple in Ōtsu, Japan. Portions of at least nine Tang dynasty manuscripts survive: three fragments discovered among the Dunhuang manuscripts in the early 20th century, and six manuscripts preserved in Japanese temples and museums, such as the Kōzan-ji temple in Kyoto and the Tōyō Bunko museum in Tokyo. A number of woodblock printed editions of the "Records" survive, the earliest of which date to the Song dynasty (960–1279). Contents See also: List of Records of the Grand Historian chapters In all, the "Records" is about 526,500 Chinese characters long, making it four times longer than Thucydides' "History of the Peloponnesian War" and longer than the Old Testament. Sima Qian conceived and composed his work in self-contained units, with a good deal of repetition between them. His manuscript was written on bamboo slips with about 24 to 36 characters each, and assembled into bundles of around 30 slips. Even after the manuscript was allowed to circulate or be copied, the work would have circulated as bundles of bamboo slips or small groups. Endymion Wilkinson calculates that there were probably between 466 and 700 bundles, whose total weight would have been 88–132 pounds (40–60 kg), which would have been difficult to access and hard to transport. Later copies on silk would have been much lighter, but also expensive and rare. Until the work was transferred to paper many centuries later, circulation would have been difficult and piecemeal, which accounts for many of the errors and variations in the text. Sima Qian organized the chapters of "Records of the Grand Historian" into five categories, each of which comprise a section of the book. Basic Annals The "Basic Annals" ("běnjì" 本紀) make up the first 12 chapters of the "Records," and are largely similar to records from the ancient Chinese court chronicle tradition, such as the "Spring and Autumn Annals." The first five cover either periods, such as the Five Emperors, or individual dynasties, such as the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties. The last seven cover individual rulers, starting with the First Emperor of Qin and progressing through the first emperors of the Han dynasty. In this section, Sima chose to also include "de facto" rulers of China, such as Xiang Yu and Empress Dowager Lü, while excluding rulers who never held any real power, such as Emperor Yi of Chu and Emperor Hui of Han. Tables Chapters 13 to 22 are the "Tables" ("biǎo" 表), which are one genealogical table and nine other chronological tables. They show reigns, important events, and royal lineages in table form, which Sima Qian stated that he did because "the chronologies are difficult to follow when different genealogical lines exist at the same time." Each table except the last one begins with an introduction to the period it covers. Treatises The "Treatises" ("shū" 書, sometimes called "Monographs") is the shortest of the five "Records" sections, and contains eight chapters (23–30) on the historical evolution of ritual, music, pitch pipes, the calendar, astronomy, sacrifices, rivers and waterways, and financial administration. Hereditary Houses The "Hereditary Houses" (""shìjiā 世家) is the second largest of the five "Records"" sections, and comprises chapters 31 to 60. Within this section, the earlier chapters are very different in nature than the later chapters. Many of the earlier chapters are chronicle-like accounts of the leading states of the Zhou dynasty, such as the states of Qin and Lu, and two of the chapters go back as far as the Shang dynasty. The later chapters, which cover the Han dynasty, contain biographies. Ranked Biographies The "Ranked Biographies" ("lièzhuàn" 列傳, usually shortened to "Biographies") is the largest of the five "Records" sections, covering chapters 61 to 130, and accounts for 42% of the entire work. The 69 "Biographies" chapters mostly contain biographical profiles of about 130 outstanding ancient Chinese men, ranging from the moral paragon Boyi from the end of the Shang dynasty to some of Sima Qian's near contemporaries. About 40 of the chapters are dedicated to one particular man, but some are about two related figures, while others cover small groups of figures who shared certain roles, such as assassins, caring officials, or Confucian scholars. Unlike most modern biographies, the accounts in the "Biographies" give profiles using anecdotes to depict morals and character, with "unforgettably lively impressions of people of many different kinds and of the age in which they lived." The "Biographies" have been popular throughout Chinese history, and have provided a large number of set phrases still used in modern Chinese. Style Unlike subsequent official historical texts that adopted Confucian doctrine, proclaimed the divine rights of the emperors, and degraded any failed claimant to the throne, Sima Qian's more liberal and objective prose has been renowned and followed by poets and novelists. Most volumes of "Liezhuan" are vivid descriptions of events and persons. Sima Qian sought out stories from those who might have closer knowledge of certain historical events, using them as sources to balance the reliability and accuracy of historical records. For instance, the material on Jing Ke's attempt at assassinating the King of Qin incorporates an eye-witness account by Xia Wuju (夏無且), a physician to the king of Qin who happened to be attending the diplomatic ceremony for Jing Ke, and this account was passed on to Sima Qian by those who knew Xia. It has been observed that the diplomatic Sima Qian has a way of accentuating the positive in his treatment of rulers in the Basic Annals, but slipping negative information into other chapters, and so his work must be read as a whole to obtain full information. For example, the information that Liu Bang (later Emperor Gaozu of Han), in a desperate attempt to escape in a chase from Xiang Yu's men, pushed his own children off his carriage to lighten it, was not given in the emperor's biography, but in the biography of Xiang Yu. He is also careful to balance the negative with the positive, for example, in the biography of Empress Dowager Lu which contains startl...
   
7. Title: 吳氏宗譜[總卷數不詳]: Zhangqing. Clan Genealogy Records 0706–1911
   Publication: Name: https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:3Q9M-CSC5-993C-1;
   
8. Title: Wikiwand: Shangdi
   Author: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
   Publication: Name: https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Shangdi#/History;
   Note: Shangdi (Chinese: 上帝; pinyin: "Shàngdì"; Wade–Giles: "Shang Ti"), also written simply, "Emperor" (Chinese: 帝; pinyin: "Dì"), is the Chinese term for "Supreme Deity" or "Highest Deity" in the theology of the classical texts, especially deriving from Shang theology and finding an equivalent in the later Tian ("Heaven" or "Great Whole") of Zhou theology. Although in Chinese religion the usage of "Tian" to refer to the absolute God of the universe is predominant, "Shangdi" continues to be used in a variety of traditions, including certain philosophical schools, certain strains of Confucianism, some Chinese salvationist religions (notably Yiguandao) and Chinese Protestant Christianity. In addition, it is common to use such term among contemporary and secular Chinese, Hong Kong, Macau, Taiwanese and Overseas Chinese societies typically for a singular universal deity and a non-religion translation for God in Abrahamic religions. Etymology "Shang Di" is the pinyin romanization of two Chinese characters. The first – 上, Shàng – means "high," "highest," "first," "primordial"; the second – 帝, Dì – typically is considered as shorthand for huangdi (皇帝) in modern Chinese, the title of the emperors of China first employed by Qin Shi Huang, and is usually translated as "emperor." The word itself is derived from Three "Huang" and Five "Di," including Yellow Emperor (Huangdi 黃帝), the mythological originator of the Chinese civilization and the ancestor of the Chinese race. However, 帝 refers to the High God of Shang, thus means "deity" (manifested god). Thus, the name Shangdi should be translated as "Highest Deity", but also has the implied meaning of "Primordial Deity" or "First Deity" in Classical Chinese. The deity preceded the title and the emperors of China were named after him in their role as Tianzi, the sons of Heaven. In the classical texts the highest conception of the heavens is frequently identified with Shang Di, who is described somewhat anthropomorphically. He also is associated with the pole star. The conceptions of the Supreme Ruler (Shang Di) and of the Sublime Heavens (Huang-t'ien) afterward coalesce or absorb each other. History Shang dynasty The earliest references to Shangdi are found in oracle bone inscriptions of the Shang Dynasty in the 2nd millennium BC, although the later work Classic of History claims yearly sacrifices were made to him by Emperor Shun, even before the Xia Dynasty. Shangdi was regarded as the ultimate spiritual power by the ruling elite of the Huaxia during the Shang dynasty: he was believed to control victory in battle, success or failure of harvests, weather conditions such as the floods of the Yellow River, and the fate of the kingdom. Shangdi seems to have ruled a hierarchy of other gods controlling nature, as well as the spirits of the deceased. These ideas were later mirrored or carried on by the Taoist Jade Emperor and his celestial bureaucracy. Shangdi was probably more transcendental than immanent, only working through lesser gods. Shangdi was considered too distant to be worshiped directly by ordinary mortals. Instead, the Shang kings proclaimed that Shangdi had made himself accessible through the souls of their royal ancestors, both in the legendary past and in recent generations as the departed Shang kings joined him in the afterlife. The emperors could thus successfully entreat Shangdi directly. Many of the oracle bone inscriptions record these petitions, usually praying for rain but also seeking approval from Shangdi for state action. Zhou dynasty" In the later Shang and Zhou dynasties, Shangdi was conflated with Heaven (天, "Tiān"). The Duke of Zhou justified his clan's usurpation through the concept of the Mandate of Heaven, which proposed that the protection of Shangdi was not connected to their clan membership but by their just governance. Shangdi was not just a tribal but instead an unambiguously good moral force, exercising its power according to exacting standards. It could thus be lost and even "inherited" by a new dynasty, provided they upheld the proper rituals. Nonetheless, the connection of many rituals with the Shang clan meant that Shang nobles continued to rule several locations (despite their rebellions) and to serve as court advisors and priests. The Duke of Zhou even created an entire ceremonial city along strict cosmological principals to house the Shang aristocracy and the nine tripods representing Huaxia sovereignty; the Shang were then charged with maintaining the "Rites of Zhou." Likewise, the Shang's lesser houses, the shi knightly class, developed directly into the learned Confucian gentry and scholars who advised the Zhou rulers on courtly etiquette and ceremony. The Confucian classics carried on and ordered the earlier traditions, including the worship of Shangdi. All of them include references: Occurrences of Shangdi in the Five Classics Chinese Name Pinyin English Name Occurrences 書經 Shujing Classic of History 32 times 詩經 Shijing Classic of Poetry 24 times 禮記 Liji Classic of Rites 20 times 春秋 Chunqiu Spring and Autumn Annals 8 times 易經 Yijing Classic of Changes 2 times The Four Books mention Shangdi as well but, as it is a later compilation, the references are much more sparse and abstract. Shangdi appears most commonly in earlier works: this pattern may reflect increasing rationalization of Shangdi over time, the shift from a known and arbitrary tribal god to a more abstract and philosophical concept,[14][15] or his conflation and absorption by other deities. Han dynasty By the time of the Han dynasty, the influential Confucian scholar Zheng Xuan glossed: "Shangdi is another name for Heaven." Dong Zhongshu said: "Heaven is the ultimate authority, the king of gods who should be admired by the king." In later eras, he was commonly known by the name "Heavenly Ruling Highest Deity" (皇天上帝, "Huángtiān Shàngdì") and, in this usage, he is conflated especially with the Taoist Jade Emperor. Identification Further information: Chinese theology The Shang progenitor In Shang sources, Di is already described as the supreme ordainer of the events which occur in nature, such as wind, lightning and thunder, and in human affairs and politics. All the gods of nature are conceived as his envoys or manifestations. Shang sources also attest his cosmological Five Ministries. Di, or Tian, as later texts explain, did not receive cult for being too remote for living humans to sacrifice to directly. Instead, an intermediary such as an ancestor was necessary to convey to Di the offerings of the living. According to some prominent scholars, including Guo Moruo, Shangdi originally was identical to Ku (or Kui) or Diku ("Divus Ku"), the progenitor (first ancestor) of the Zi (子) lineage, the founders of the Shang dynasty, attested in the Shiji and other texts. According to this interpretation, this identification had profound political implications, because it meant that the earthly Shang kings were themselves by birth aspects of divinity. Further evidence from Shang sources suggests that there wasn't a complete identification between the two, as Di controls spirits of nature, while Kui does not; Di frequently is pictured sending down "approvals," while Kui is never so pictured; and Kui received cult, while Di did not. Moreover, Kui is frequently appealed in "horizontal" relationship with other powers, undermining any portrait of him as the apex of the pantheon. Shangdi as the celestial pole David Pankenier has studied the astral connections of Shangdi, drawing on a view that interest in the sky was a focal character of the religious practices of the Shang, but also of the earlier Xia and Erlitou cultures. Especially intriguing is the fact that palatial and ceremonial structures of these cultures were carefully aligned to the celestial pole and the procession of pole stars. Pankenier notes that the true celestial pole lies in a sky template which is vacant of significant stars, and that the various pole stars are those nearest to this vacant apex which is of crucial importance. He illustrates how the Shang oracular script for Di can be projected on the north pole template of the ancient sky in such a way that its extremity points correspond with the visible star, while the intersection of the linear axes at the centre will map to the vacant celestial pole. Pankenier argues that the supreme Di was identified with the celestial pole, an idea familiar in later stages of Chinese religion, linking with the Tàiyī 太一 ("Great One") fully documented as early as the 4th century BCE. The interpretation of Shangdi as the celestial pole, Taiyi and as Ku the progenitor of the Shang is not contradictory. Feng Shi argues that Ku and Di are indeed identical. The Shang probably deliberately identified their ancestor with a universal god recognized in different regions and local cultures in order to legitimize their power. Contemporary Confucianism Contemporary Confucian theologians have emphasised differences between the Confucian idea of Shangdi, conceived as both transcendent and immanent, and act only as a governor of the world, and the Christian idea of God, which they conceived contrary to those of Christian as a deity that is completely otherworldly (transcendent) and is merely a creator of the world. Worship As mentioned above, sacrifices offered to Shangdi by the king are claimed by traditional Chinese histories to predate the Xia dynasty. The surviving archaeological record shows that by the Shang, the shoulder blades of sacrificed oxen were used to send questions or communication through fire and smoke to the divine realm, a practice known as scapulimancy. The heat would cause the bones to crack and royal diviners would interpret the marks as Shangdi's response to the king. Inscriptions used for divination were buried ...
   
9. Title: Wikiwand: King Tai of Zhou
   Author: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
   Publication: Name: https://www.wikiwand.com/en/King_Tai_of_Zhou;
   Note: King Tai of Zhou (Chinese: 周太王; pinyin: "Zhōu Tài Wáng"; lit.: "Great King of Zhou") or Gugong Danfu (Chinese: 古公亶父; pinyin: "Gǔgōng Dǎnfù"; lit.: "Old Duke, Father Dan") was a great leader of the Zhou clan during the Shang dynasty. His great-grandson Fa later would conquer the Shang and establish the Zhou dynasty. Name "King Tai" was a posthumous name bestowed upon him by his descendants. He was never a king during his lifetime. He was earlier known as Old Duke Danfu (Gugong Danfu), for instance, in the "Classic of Poetry." Occasionally, a few scholars refer to him as Ji Danfu, referencing his surname Ji (姬). History In the family hymns recorded in the "Classic of Poetry," the Ji family is traced from the miraculous birth of the Xia dynasty culture hero and court official Houji caused by his mother's stepping into a footprint left by the supreme god Shangdi. The "Records of the Grand Historian" instead make Houji the son of the Emperor Ku, connecting his family to the Yellow Emperor who was sometimes also given the Zhou's surname. Sima Qian goes on to record Houji's son Buzhu abandoning court life and his fief of Tai, apparently taking up the nomadic life of the Rong and Di tribes around Xia. His son Ju continued this before Duke Liu settled his people at a place called Bin. The rulers of Bin were listed as Qingjie, Huangpu (皇仆), Chaifu (差弗), Huiyu (毀隃), Gongfei (公非), Gaoyu (高圉), Yayu (亞圉), and Gongshu Zulei (公叔祖類). The prosperity of Bin led to attacks from the Xunyu, Hunyu, or Di. After four attempts to buy them off failed, the old duke refused to lead his people into battle but instead relocated his family to the foot of Mount Qishan in the Wei valley. After finding his choice confirmed by their oracle bones, the other people who had lived in Bin left the caves and huts they had fled to and followed them, erecting a new city complete with a formal palace, ancestral temple, and altar. The rapid success of the new location then caused neighboring tribes of Yu and Rui to join Zhou, rather than attack. Danfu later was credited with much of the growth of the Zhou, receiving a hymn among the Great Odes of the Classic of Poetry and the "Mount Qi Song," a zither melody supposedly composed by the Duke of Zhou. In traditional Chinese records, he was considered to have himself created the state of Zhou, sometimes taken to be an indigenous place-name for his new settlement along the Wei. In fact, modern excavation of the Shang oracle bones have found references to a Zhou at least a century before this during the reign of Wu Ding. The earlier Zhou seems to be well away from the traditional locations for Bin, as well, leading scholars to posit a much longer migration west from Shanxi. Posterity By his wife, the Lady Jiang, Old Duke Danfu was said to be the father of Taibo, Zhongyong, and Jili. Zhongyong was claimed as the ancestor of the kings of Wu; Jili, by the kings of Zhou. Later, Taibo was claimed by Japan as well.
   
10. Title: Wikiwand: Predynastic Zhou
    Author: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    Publication: Name: https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Predynastic_Zhou;
    Note: The Predynastic Zhou or Proto-Zhou (/dʒoʊ/; Chinese: 先周) refers to the state of Zhou that existed in the Guanzhong region of modern Shaanxi province during the Shang dynasty of ancient China, before its conquest of Shang in 1046/45 BC which led to the establishment of the Zhou dynasty. It was ruled by the Ji 姬 clan. History According to Sima Qian, it was established by Gugong Danfu when he relocated his clan from their home of Bin to a new settlement along the Wei River. His two elder sons Taibo and Zhongyong were said to have abandoned the territory and fled south to establish Wu on the lower Yangtze. His youngest son Jili then inherited Zhou and expanded it with numerous campaigns against the Rong "barbarians" around Shang. His power threatened King Wen Ding and he was tricked into an ambush at a place called Saiku (塞库). Jili's son King Wen was likewise imprisoned by King Zhou of Shang at Youli before being ransomed by other nobles. In some accounts, Wen was forced to consume his eldest son as meat cakes or a soup at the king's bequest. His second son then avenged his grandfather and brother at the Battle of Muye, defeating King Zhou and ending the Shang. Rulers . Gugong Danfu, also known as King Tai of Zhou . Gong Liu, who led the migration of the Zhou people to Bin . Jili, also known as King Ji of Zhou . King Wen of Zhou . King Wu of Zhou, who conquered Shang and established the Zhou dynasty
    
11. Title: Casamento: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/King_Tai_of_Zhou
    
12. Title: Wikiwand: Ji (Zhou dynasty ancestral surname)
    Author: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    Publication: Name: https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Ji_(Zhou_dynasty_ancestral_surname);
    Note: "Jī "(姬) was the ancestral name of the Zhou dynasty that ruled China between the 11th and 3rd centuries BC. Thirty-nine members of the family ruled China during this period while many others ruled as local lords, lords who eventually gained great autonomy during the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods. Ji is a relatively uncommon surname in modern China, largely because its bearers often adopted the names of their states and fiefs as new surnames. The character is composed of the radicals 女 (Old Chinese: "nra," "woman") and 𦣞 (OC: ɢ(r)ə, "chin"). It is most likely a phono-semantic compound, with "nra" common in the earliest Zhou-era family names and "ɢ(r)ə" marking a rhyme of 姬 (OC: "K(r)ə"). The legendary and historical record shows the Zhou Ji clan closely entwined with the Jiang (姜), who seem to have provided many of the Ji lords' high-ranking spouses. A popular theory in recent Chinese scholarship has suggested that they represented two important clans – the Ji originally centered on the Fen River in Shanxi and the Jiang around the Wen River in Shaanxi – whose union produced the Zhou state ruled by Old Duke Danfu, although the theory remains problematic. In the family hymns recorded in the "Classic of Poetry," the Ji (姬) family is traced from the miraculous birth of the Xia dynasty culture hero and court official Houji caused by his mother's stepping into a footprint left by the supreme god Shangdi. The "Records of the Grand Historian "instead make Houji the son of the Emperor Ku, descendant of Yellow Emperor. Ancient rulers with the surname . Kings of the Zhou dynasty (周朝) . Rulers of the State of Wu (吳), who claimed descent from Taibo . Rulers of Eastern Guo (東虢) and Western Guo (西虢), descended from Jili's two younger sons . Rulers of Han (韓), descended from a son of King Wen of Zhou . Rulers of Teng, descended from a son of King Wen of Zhou . Rulers of Wey (卫), descended from a son of King Wen of Zhou . Rulers of Wei (魏), descended from a son of King Wen of Zhou . Rulers of Xing (邢), descended from Pengshu of Xing . Rulers of Cai (蔡), descended from Cai Shu Du . Rulers of Cao, descended from Cao Shu Zhenduo . Rulers of Jin state (晉), descended from Tang Shu Yu . Rulers of Lu (魯), descended from Bo Qin, son of the Duke of Zhou . Rulers of Zheng . Rulers of Han, which claimed descent from Han Wuzi, a grandson of Marquis Mu of Jin . Rulers of Shen (沈), from sons of King Wen of Zhou . Rulers of Xi (息) . Rulers of Yan (燕) from Duke of Shao, brother of King Wu of Zhou . Rulers of Cen (岑), from the nephews and hidden sons of Zhou Wen Wang Other notable people . King Wu of Zhou, (????–1043BC) first ruler of the Zhou dynasty. . Ji Jin-chun (born 1877), Governor of Rehe and Suiyuan (1921–28), fought the Russians and the Japanese . Ji Hong-chang (born 1895), Governor of Ningxia and prominent Nationalist . Ji Pengfei (born 1910), a prominent Communist . Ji Shengde, former head of Chinese military intelligence Other surnames adopted by descendants of Ji . Any surname derived from the Zhou dynasty Ji-descent vassal states Qiū (秋)
    
13. Title: Wikiwand: Classic of Poetry
    Author: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    Publication: Name: https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Classic_of_Poetry;
    Note: The "Classic of Poetry," also "Shijing" or "Shih-ching" (Chinese: 詩經; pinyin: "Shījīng"), translated variously as the "Book of Songs," "Book of Odes" or simply known as the "Odes "or "Poetry" (Chinese: 詩; pinyin: "Shī"), is the oldest existing collection of Chinese poetry, comprising 305 works dating from the 11th to 7th centuries BC. It is one of the "Five Classics" traditionally said to have been compiled by Confucius, and has been studied and memorized by scholars in China and neighboring countries over two millennia. It is also a rich source of "chengyu" (four-character classical idioms) that are still a part of learned discourse and even everyday language in modern Chinese. Since the Qing dynasty, its rhyme patterns have also been analyzed in the study of Old Chinese phonology. Name Early references refer to the anthology as the "300 Poems" ("shi"). The Odes first became known as a "jīng," or a "classic book," in the canonical sense, as part of the Han Dynasty official adoption of Confucianism as the guiding principles of Chinese society. The same word "shi" later became a generic term for poetry. In English, lacking an exact equivalent for the Chinese, the translation of the word "shi" in this regard is generally as "poem," "song," or "ode." Before its elevation as a canonical classic, the "Classic of Poetry" ("Shi jing") was known as the "Three Hundred Songs or the Songs." Content The "Classic of Poetry" contains the oldest chronologically authenticated Chinese poems. The majority of the "Odes" date to the Western Zhou period (1046–771 BC), and were drawn from around 15 kingdoms, those which were mainly provinces and cities in the Zhongyuan area. A final section of 5 "Eulogies of Shang" purports to be ritual songs of the Shang dynasty as handed down by their descendants in the state of Song, but is generally considered quite late in date. According to the Eastern Han scholar Zheng Xuan, the latest material in the "Shijing" was the song "Tree-stump Grove" (株林) in the "Odes of Chen," dated to the middle of the Spring and Autumn period (c. 600 BC). Part Number and meaning Date (BC) 國風 Guó fēng 160 "Airs of the States" 8th to 7th century 小雅 Xiǎo yǎ 74 "Lesser Court Hymns" 9th to 8th century 大雅 Dà yǎ 31 "Major Court Hymns" 10th to 9th century 周頌 Zhōu sòng 31 "Eulogies of Zhou" 11th to 10th century 魯頌 Lǔ sòng 4 "Eulogies of Lu" 7th century 商頌 Shāng sòng 5 "Eulogies of Shang" 7th century "Ah! Solemn is the clear temple, 於穆清廟 Reverent and concordant the illustrious assistants. 肅雝顯相 Dignified, dignified are the many officers, 濟濟多士 Holding fast to the virtue of King Wen. 秉文之德 Responding in praise to the one in Heaven, 對越在天 They hurry swiftly within the temple. 駿奔走在廟 Greatly illustrious, greatly honored, 不顯不承 May [King Wen] never be weary of [us] men. 無射於人斯 The content of the "Poetry" can be divided into two main sections: the "Airs of the States," and the eulogies and hymns. The "Airs of the States" are shorter lyrics in simple language that are generally ancient folk songs which record the voice of the common people. They often speak of love and courtship, longing for an absent lover, soldiers on campaign, farming and housework, and political satire and protest. On the other hand, songs in the two "Hymns" sections and the "Eulogies" section tend to be longer ritual or sacrificial songs, usually in the forms of courtly panegyrics and dynastic hymns which praise the founders of the Zhou dynasty. They also include hymns used in sacrificial rites and songs used by the aristocracy in their sacrificial ceremonies or at banquets. "Court Hymns" contains "Lesser Court Hymns" and "Major Court Hymns." Most of the poems were used by the aristocracies to pray for good harvests each year, worship gods, and venerate their ancestors. The author of "Major Court Hymns" are nobilities who were dissatisfied with the political reality. Therefore, they wrote poems not only related to the feast, worship, and epic but also to reflect the public feelings. Style Whether the various "Shijing" poems were folk songs or not, they "all seem to have passed through the hands of men of letters at the royal Zhou court." In other words, they show an overall literary polish together with some general stylistic consistency. About 95% of lines in the Poetry are written in a four-syllable meter, with a slight caesura between the second and third syllables. Lines tend to occur in syntactically related couplets, with occasional parallelism, and longer poems are generally divided into similarly structured stanzas. All but six of the "Eulogies" consist of a single stanza, and the "Court Hymns" exhibit wide variation in the number of stanzas and their lengths. Almost all of the "Airs," however, consist of three stanzas, with four-line stanzas being most common. Although a few rhyming couplets occur, the standard pattern in such four-line stanzas required a rhyme between the second and fourth lines. Often the first or third lines would rhyme with these, or with each other. This style later became known as the "shi" style for much of Chinese history. One of the characteristics of the poems in the "Classic of Poetry" is that they tend to possess "elements of repetition and variation." This results in an "alteration of similarities and differences in the formal structure: in successive stanzas, some lines and phrases are repeated verbatim, while others vary from stanza to stanza." Characteristically, the parallel or syntactically matched lines within a specific poem share the same, identical words (or characters) to a large degree, as opposed to confining the parallelism between lines to using grammatical category matching of the words in one line with the other word in the same position in the corresponding line; but, not by using the same, identical word(s). Disallowing verbal repetition within a poem would by the time of Tang poetry be one of the rules to distinguish the old style poetry from the new, regulated style. The works in the "Classic of Poetry" vary in their lyrical qualities, which relates to the musical accompaniment with which they were in their early days performed. The songs from the "Hymns" and "Eulogies," which are the oldest material in the "Poetry," were performed to slow, heavy accompaniment from bells, drums, and stone chimes. However, these and the later actual musical scores or choreography which accompanied the "Shijing" poems have been lost. Nearly all of the songs in the "Poetry" are rhyming, with end rhyme, as well as frequent internal rhyming. While some of these verses still rhyme in modern varieties of Chinese, others had ceased to rhyme by the Middle Chinese period. For example, the eighth song (芣苢 Fú Yǐ) has a tightly constrained structure implying rhymes between the penultimate words (here shown in bold) of each pair of lines: Chinese characters Mandarin pronunciation (pinyin) Early Middle Chinese (Baxter) 采采芣苢、薄言采之。 Cǎi cǎi fú yǐ, báo yán cǎi zhī. tshojX tshojX bju yiX, bak ngjon tshojX tsyi. 采采芣苢、薄言有之。 Cǎi cǎi fú yǐ, báo yán yǒu zhī. tshojX tshojX bju yiX, bak ngjon hjuwX tsyi. 采采芣苢、薄言掇之。 Cǎi cǎi fú yǐ, báo yán duó zhī. tshojX tshojX bju yiX, bak ngjon twat tsyi. 采采芣苢、薄言捋之。 Cǎi cǎi fú yǐ, báo yán luó zhī. tshojX tshojX bju yiX, bak ngjon lwat tsyi. 采采芣苢、薄言袺之。 Cǎi cǎi fú yǐ, báo yán jié zhī. tshojX tshojX bju yiX, bak ngjon ket tsyi. 采采芣苢、薄言襭之。 Cǎi cǎi fú yǐ, báo yán xié zhī. tshojX tshojX bju yiX, bak ngjon het tsyi. The second and third stanzas still rhyme in modern Standard Chinese, with the rhyme words even having the same tone, but the first stanza does not rhyme in Middle Chinese or any modern variety. Such cases were attributed to lax rhyming practice until the late-Ming dynasty scholar Chen Di argued that the original rhymes had been obscured by sound change. Since Chen, scholars have analyzed the rhyming patterns of the Poetry as crucial evidence for the reconstruction of Old Chinese phonology. Traditional scholarship of the "Poetry" identified three major literary devices employed in the songs: straightforward narrative ("fù," 賦), explicit comparisons ("bǐ," 比) and implied comparisons ("xìng," 興). The poems of the "Classic of Poetry" tend to have certain typical patterns in both rhyme and rhythm, to make much use of imagery, often derived from nature. Authorship Although the "Shijing" does not specify the names of authors in association with the contained works, both traditional commentaries and modern scholarship have put forth hypotheses on authorship. The "Golden Coffer" chapter of the "Book of Documents" says that the poem "Owl" (Chinese: 鴟鴞) in the "Odes of Bin" was written by the Duke of Zhou. Many of the songs appear to be folk songs and other compositions used in the court ceremonies of the aristocracy. Furthermore, many of the songs, based on internal evidence, appear to be written either by women, or from the perspective of a female persona. The repeated emphasis on female authorship of poetry in the "Shijing" was made much of in the process of attempting to give the poems of the women poets of the Ming-Qing period canonical status. Despite the impersonality of the poetic voice characteristic of the "Songs," many of the poems are written from the perspective of various generic personalities. Textual history According to tradition, the method of collection of the various "Shijing" poems involved the appointment of officials, whose duties included documenting verses current from the various states that constituted the empire. Out of these many collected pieces, also according to tradition, Confucius made a final editorial round of decisions for elimination or inclusion in the received version of the "Poetry." As with all g...